Military has remained steadfast in its commitment to democracy

LCA Tejas during Republic Day parade

In our history, there has been just one recorded instance where a commander-in-chief of the army overthrew the government of the day and seized power. This issue finds some resonance today in the context of the attempted coup in Turkey. Many ask, could this happen here, although the answer is pretty unambiguous that it cannot and will not. The recorded instance referred to happened around 187 BC, when Pushyamitra Shunga, the senapati of the Maurayan empire, killed the king during a guard of honour, and founded a dynasty that lasted till around 70 BC.

No king, sultan, emperor, viceroy or prime minister — Hindu, Buddhist, Muslim, Christian or Sikh — has since then has been overthrown by a military coup. Yes, empires have declined, rulers have been defeated, lost their kingdoms to rebels and relatives, but it is difficult to find another instance of the event that defines a coup — the takeover of a government by its military. In addition, of course, the modern Indian military identifies its DNA with that of Britain, another country which has never had the history of a coup.

Yet, even today, in the 21st century, dread of the man on a horseback runs like a thread through India’s governmental attitudes towards the armed forces. It is not open, but exists in the shadow world of intelligence agencies and civilian bureaucrats, who stoke the insecurities of politicians on the need to keep the military in check, and have succeeded in keeping uniformed personnel out of policy-making.

It was this perception that led Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru to eliminate the powerful post of commander-in-chief and make all three service chiefs equals in 1955. There were several instances in the 1950s and 1960s when politicians revealed their insecurities in relation to the armed forces. The first set of rumours came when General KS Thimayya retired as army chief in 1961. The train of events beginning with Thimayya’s resignation in August 1959, its withdrawal under Nehru’s pressure, the appointment of General PN Thapar as his successor, led to rumours of a coup with a specific date - January 30, 1961 being designated as D-Day.

This is detailed in a book India’s Defence Problem by SS Khera, who was India’s defence secretary between 1963 and 1967. In chapter titled “Coups”, Khera noted that in January 1961, Nehru and home minister G B Pant had come to know of some military movements and had countermanded them. Apurba Kundu, who has examined the events, noted in his book Militarism in India that “the stories [of the alleged coups] may be dismissed as unfounded”. Khera did conclude that the chances of an outright coup were difficult, if not impossible, in India.

Again, after the debacle of the 1962 border war with China, according to Neville Maxwell, Nehru expressed his concerns about the military in a letter to philosopher Bertrand Russell.

There is another incident widely known in the army. This is when the IB reported to the authorities about the movement of military personnel in the wake of Nehru’s death in May 1964. Actually, the then Army chief, General JN Chaudhuri, ordered the movement because he thought that it would be needed to help handle the crowds that would gather, just as he had experienced as a young officer in Mahatma Gandhi’s funeral. As a result, even today the IB maintains a discrete watch on the movements of military units in the vicinity of New Delhi.

All this could have been understood in the context of the 1950s and 1960s, when many newly independent countries — especially Burma and Pakistan — came under the heel of military dictators. But it sounds ridiculous in the 21st century, when the probity of the Indian armed forces has been thoroughly tested by time and circumstances.

Yet, more than half a century after the Thimayya “coup”, New Delhi was rocked by a newspaper story hinting at a coup attempt and coincidentally, again in January, in 2012. A front-paged report splashed across a New Delhi newspaper claimed that “central intelligence agencies” had detected “an unexpected (and non-notified) movement by a key military unit in the direction of the capital,” subsequently, another similar movement was detected involving a parachute unit. This was in relation to a suit filed in the Supreme Court by the then army chief General V.K. Singh. The same newspaper later reported that “the MOD’s considered view now seems to be that it was a false alarm”. The ministry’s official spokesman too denied the report as being “baseless”.

Actually, these sensitivities continue in the highest levels of the Indian political system today. Many observers believe that the refusal of the political system to appoint a chief of defence staff stems from their worries over “the man on the horseback”. Indeed, this writer was told by a former national security adviser that the principal opposition to the CDS in the UPA regime came from Sonia Gandhi, who raised worries about the possibility of a coup if a CDS took charge.

All this has had a deleterious effect on our national security planning. The dysfunctional system we have arises from the decision to keep the uniformed personnel out of planning and administering the military. This has prevented effective reforms to make our military a modern, war-winning force which requires the organisation and functioning of the military under the joint command of a chief of defence staff and the restructuring of the military under theatre commands.

But the answer to the question as to why a coup in India has not taken place, and will not do so, provided the country is not brought to the verge of collapse by its civilian leadership, lies in the quality of the military. Despite the fact that the politicians and the bureaucrats have gone out of their way to belittle and even insult them, the Indian military has remained steadfast in its commitment to democracy. This has as much to do with its history and DNA, as the outlook of the personnel who constitute it.

Arup Raha to Fly in LCA Tejas

LCA Tejas

Arup Raha, the Chief of the Air Staff of the Indian Air Force, will soon fly his maiden sortie in the LCA Tejas.

The flight is to review the development in the program as well as show the Air force's interest in the aircraft as a platform for the much needed point defense fighter to replace the MiG-21.

Raha will also inaugurate the LCA paint hangar in Bengaluru and visit the production line of the aircraft.

The IAF has given an order of 120 Tejas, with 100 of them being an upgraded version. He will fly a sortie in a Tejas trainer aircraft which is a two seater, defence sources said.

He will also visit the hangar where the Mirage 2000 is being upgraded.

Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL), manufacturer of Tejas, is likely to hand over the fourth aircraft to IAF by June end. The four aircraft will make up for the first squadron of IAF which will be used for training and familiarization.

As per the production plan, six aircraft will be made this year (2015-16) and HAL will subsequently scale it up to eight and 16 aircraft per year.

US drops planned Pakistan F-16 fighter jet subsidy

Pakistani F-16 formation

The US will no longer subsidise the sale of eight F-16 fighter jets to Pakistan, a senior state department official has reported.

The decision means that Pakistan will have to pay more than $700m - two-and-a-half times the original cost - if it wishes to buy the aircraft.

It comes after Congress refused to approve funding for the deal.

Some US lawmakers had accused Pakistan of not doing enough to fight militants. India also objected to the sale.

However, Pakistan has argued that the jets are needed for anti-terror operations, and so the US should help with funding the purchase.

People close to the deal say it is highly unlikely that Pakistan will be willing to pay the full cost of the fighter jets, so it seems to be off for all practical purposes.

A spokesman for the Pakistan embassy in Washington, Nadeem Hotiana, told that the arms sales were a long process and that he would not comment on the deal's current status.

"F-16s provide precision strike capability to Pakistan's ongoing campaign against militancy," he said.
"Pakistan believes that the threat from terrorist networks requires continued capacity building and both governments continue to work together towards this objective through a range of measures including the sale of these aircraft."

The senior US state department official, who asked to remain anonymous as he was not authorised to speak on the matter, says the Obama administration is still very much in favour of selling the fighter jets to Pakistan as it believes it is in the national interest of the United States.

However, Pakistan would have to bear the full cost of the F-16 fighter jets if it wished to proceed, he said.

The original arrangement had been that Pakistan would pay close to $270m, with the US foreign military financing budget paying for the rest.

However, top US lawmakers have expressed concerns over the US government's decision to sell the jets to Pakistan, saying they could be used against India rather than for combating terrorism.

Speaking on Wednesday, Congressman Matt Salmon said: "India-Pakistan tensions remain elevated, and some question whether the F-16s could ultimately be used against India or other regional powers, rather than the terrorists as Pakistan has asserted."

All you have to know about India"s own Global Positioning System - NAVIC

NaVIC

Pakistani troops took positions in Kargil in 1999, one of the first things Indian military sought was GPS data for the region. The space-based navigation system maintained by the US government would have provided vital information, but the US denied it to India. A need for an indigenous satellite navigation system was felt earlier, but the Kargil experience made the nation realise its inevitability.

On Friday, the Indian Space Research Organisation took the nation closer to the goal, which it would achieve in less than two years. The result, the Indian Regional Navigation Satellite System (IRNSS) will be as good as any such space-based system, as India can keep a close watch of not just its boundaries, but up to 1,500km beyond that. It works on a combination of seven satellites which would 'look' at the region from different angles, and, in the process, helps calculate from relative data, real-time movement of objects by as less as 10m.

Isro launched the first of the satellites in the group, IRNSS-1A, in July last. "By mid-2015," said Isro chairman K Radhakrishnan, "we will have all the seven in place." The system will be functional by the beginning of 2016. Basic navigational services wouldn't have to wait that long—they can take off with just four satellites in orbit, which will be this year. "When we have four satellites by the end of this year, we will have an operational system and then we can go and test its accuracy to validate it," said K Radhakrishnan.

Three of the seven satellites will be in geostationary orbits and the other four in inclined geosynchronous orbits. From ground, the three geostationary satellites will appear at a fixed point in the sky. However, the four geosynchronous satellites moving in inclined orbits in pairs will appear to move in the figure of '8' when 'seen' from ground. Apart from navigation, the system will help in precise time keeping, disaster management, fleet management and mapping.

"Geopolitical needs teach you that some countries can deny you the service in times of conflict. It's also a way of arm twisting and a country should protect itself against that," said S Ramakrishnan, director of Vikram Sarabhai Space Centre, Thiruvananthapuram. This is the reasoning behind two types of services that IRNSS will be offering. The first is called Standard Positioning Service (SPS) which is for civilian use. This will have an accuracy of 20m, while the second is called Restricted Services (RS), which can detect movement of objects by less than 10m.

"Many weapon systems like guided missiles and bombs also use such navigation systems. An indigenous system allows the development of such capabilities in a reliable manner," said Ramakrishnan. "There is also the need to have your own navigation system in the civilian and commercial domain since so many critical services and businesses depend on it. A system run by another country (like GPS) may be switched off in times of crisis leading to complete collapse of certain services."

It will put India in the company of select nations which have their own positioning systems. While the US operates the Global Positioning System (GPS), Russia has its own GLONASS and European Union, Galileo. China is also in the process of building Beidou Navigation Satellite System (BDS).

Laser walls activated along India-Pakistan border to plug gaps in vigil

Laser Walls along India-Pakistan Border

A dozen "laser walls" have been made operational along the India-Pakistan international border in Punjab to plug the porous riverine and treacherous terrain and keep an effective vigil against intruders and terrorists exploiting the frontier areas to cross over.

While eight infra-red and laser beam intrusion detection systems are "up and working" along as many vulnerable and sensitive areas of the international border (IB) in Punjab, four more will be operationalised in the next few days. A total of 45 such laser walls will be installed in these areas along the international border in Punjab and Jammu.

The laser walls have started working and their functioning is being monitored. Preliminary results in detecting illegal movements are encouraging. The sensors were being monitored through a satellite-based signal command system and armed with night and fog operability tools. Apart from these, four other pilot projects of similar kind in stretches of 30-40 kms of international border in Jammu and Gujarat and one in West Bengal along Indo-Bangla border have been approved by Home Ministry to secure Indian borders effectively. “laser walls” have been made operational along the India-Pakistan international border in Punjab to plug the porous riverine and treacherous terrain and keep an effective vigil against intruders and terrorists exploiting the frontier areas to cross over.

While eight infra-red and laser beam intrusion detection systems are “up and working” along as many vulnerable and sensitive areas of the international border (IB) in Punjab, four more will be operationalised in the next few days, a senior official of the Border Security Force (BSF) said.

A total of 45 such laser walls will be installed in these areas along the international border in Punjab and Jammu, a blueprint prepared in this regard and accessed by PTI said.

“The laser walls have started working and their functioning is being monitored. Preliminary results in detecting illegal movements are encouraging,” the official said.

He said sensors were being monitored through a satellite-based signal command system and armed with night and fog operability tools.

Agni V gets ready for canister launch this month

Agni V

DRDO is gearing up for the canister version test of most potent surface-to-surface Inter-continental range Ballistic Missile (ICBM) Agni-V. The longest range nuclear capable missile is likely to be test-fired from a defence test facility off the Odisha coast on March 15.

Pre-launch preparations are on at Abdul Kalam Island (formerly Wheeler Island). The test could be the missile’s last developmental trial and the outcome assumes significance as the weapon system is likely to be operationalised next year. While Agni-V is a complex system, its test from a canister makes it even more complicated given the involvement of a variety of sophisticated and high-end tracking systems to capture data for the full operational range.

Since the first test of the missile in 2012, the missile has undergone several upgradation. It has become more stable, fast reacting and agile with quick response time. A defence scientist associated with the missile development said the new canister-launcher has been built uniquely so that the missile can respond within minutes of command. A gas generator at the bottom of the canister pushes off the missile before its first stage is ignited and missile roars into the sky.

What makes the missile more effective is that it can be equipped with Multiple Independently Targetable Re-entry Vehicles (MIRV) capable of delivering multiple warheads at different targets at long distances. The DRDO is now working on integrating the long range missiles with MIRV capable of incorporating six to 10 warheads. 

Making Gripen fighters in India not favoured by IAF

Saab JAS 39 Gripen

Swedish defence major Saab plans to Make its Gripen fighter in India has roadblock with stiff resistance coming from Indian Air force said well-informed sources close to idrw.org. IAF is not in favour of ordering 4.5+ Gen fighter jet, even though SAAB has offered India technical help in the development of indigenous AMCA 5th generation fighter aircraft in lieu of orders for its Gripen fighters which lost out of Medium Multi-Role Combat Aircraft tender in 2011 which was won by French Rafale fighter jets.

At present India is negotiating with France for procurement of 36 Rafale fighter jets out of 126 requested by Indian Air Force under Medium Multi-Role Combat Aircraft tender and Defence minister Parrikar already has confirmed that by end of this year another vendor will be selected who will make up to 90 fighter jets in India with active participation from Private sector company with major transfer of technology.

Saabs Gripen which belongs to same class as indigenous Light Combat Aircraft Tejas is finding no takers in IAF which now considers Tejas a better product compared to Gripen due to endless customization options offered by the indigenous fighter jet for which IAF has already placed first mass order for 106 jets with upgraded Avionics over previously 20 already ordered and according to many defence analyst numbers will finally touch 300 + with production line chunking out upgraded LCA -Tejas over next few years which will replace all retiring Mig-21s and Mig27s and is clearly not interested in placing orders for aircraft in same class as LCA.

American Aerospace giant Boeing and Lockheed Martin both are aggressively pitching upgraded F-16 and F-18 SH fighter jets under Make in India and have agreed to set up a new production line in India if ordered by Indian Air Force. Russia too is offering its Mig-35 fighter jets but the company spokesperson confirmed to idrw.org previously that there have been no official back channel talks over the sale of Mig-35 with India.

Both American legacy fighter aircraft F-16 and F-18 will finally end their production run by 2020 in their US facilities and both companies are keen to transfer their production line to India to meet India’s requirements. Defence analyst Ranesh Rajan believes India is trying to leverage best possible collaboration of US companies in the development of AMCA, Naval LCA and new jet engines for the AMCA.

5 brave military operations of the Indian Armed Forces that will make your heart swell with pride

All of us have nearly grown up hearing valiant tales of our Indian Army. The brave sons of our soil have fought horrifying wars, carried out near-impossible counter-insurgency/terrorist operations, have lost lives-only to bounce back and hit hard with more tenacity. All of this only so that we can lead a happy life with our loved ones, so that we go to bed and sleep peacefully every night! And it doesn’t matter if you have heard of their heroic tales before, these stories need to heard, cherished and reheard again. In the wake of our 67th Republic day , let’s talk about some of the fiercest operations carried out by IAF before 1990s.

1. Operation Polo (September, 1948)

S. A. El Edroos (R) of Hyderabad State Forces with Indian Army Maj. Gen. J. N. Chaudhuri (L) after surrendering

Hyderabad, as we know of it today, is a part of India. Back then in the past, it wasn’t so! In 1947, when the British left India, they gave the princely states the option to join either India or Pakistan. The idea of Hyderabad as an independent state aided by Pakistan did not go down well with our government, so the plans to invade the state, overthrow its Nizam and annex Hyderabad into Indian union stemmed from there. Thus began the operation that was given the code name Operation Polo and it lasted for five days ending in September 18, 1948. A state of emergency was declared when 36,000 Indian troops entered Hyderabad. Our troops displayed such immense bravado that an estimated 32 were killed and 97 injured on our side whereas 490 killed and 122 wounded from Hyderabad.

2. Operation Meghdoot (April, 1984)

An Indian Army Mountaineer on Indira Col above Siachen Glacier

Following the unclear demarcation of the Siachen Glacier territory as per the Shimla Agreement of 1972, both the countries-India and Pakistan-had their own interpretation of their claims over this disputed land. Although both the countries allowed mountaineering expedition from their sides, Pakistan, in 1984, decided to stake their claims with military deployment in the area-a move which was countered by the India with the launch of Operation Meghdoot. It was one of the fiercest operations carried out by our military, the resultant being that India has now gained full control of the entire Siachen Glacier. It was the first assault to be successfully launched in the world’s highest ever battlefield. Pakistan launched an all out assault, first in 1987, and once again in 1989 to capture the ridge and passes held by India-both times they failed miserably!

3. Operation Cactus (November, 1988)

a. Indian Navy frigate in action during the operation; b. Mercenaries being escorted after arrest

If we are to give an example of the expertness and agility of our Indian Military, it has got to be the operation that was carried in Maldives by the forces in 1988. A coup d'état by the rebels from Maldives backed by some 80 members of People's liberation Organization Of Tamil Elam, a Tamil Militant organization in Sri Lanka, plotted to overthrow the government, an attempt that was thwarted by the IAF. Abdul Gayoom, the then President requested military assistance from India. In response, within 12 hours, was sent 1600 paratroopers led by Brigadier Farooq Bulsara who quickly seized control and rescued President Gayoom. The mercenaries who were outclassed by the paratroopers tried to flee in a captured freighter to Sri Lanka but were intercepted by the Indian Navy planes and frigates. 

4. Operation Vijay (May, 1999)

Capture of Tiger Hill by Indian Army during Kargil war

During the Kargil war, The Indian Army began Operation Vijay in the peak summer of 1999 to flush out the Pakistani intruders who had infiltrated India’s border outposts along the LOC as well as the mountain ranges sitting along the Srinagar-Leh highway around the town of Kargil. India positioned five infantory divisions, five independent brigades, 44 battalions of paramilitary troops and deployed 60 frontline aircrafts. This is one of the most treacherous episodes of military history of independent India, where although we conquered the war, we had to sacrifice many brave sons of our lands including Vikram Batra, Anuj Nayyar and Manoj Kumar Pandey.

5. Operation Black Tornado (November 2008)

NSG Commandos beginning the assault on Nariman House by fast-roping onto the terrace

Members of Lakshar-e-Taiba attacked the Maximum City with 12 coordinating shootings and bombings at prominent places in South Mumbai in devastating terror attacks, widely known as the 26/11. But, well planned set of commandos of NGS and MARCOS swung into action, stormed into Taj Mahal and Oberoi Hotel as well as Nariman House and tacked the terrorists head on and rescued several hostages. Operation Black Tornado was the name given by the commandos. Amongst profound barrage of gunfire and resorting to firing in complete blackness, the commandos fought viciously and managed to save 9 hostages from the Nariman House, and 300 and 250 hostages from Taj and Oberoi Hotels, respectively. Major Sandeep Unnikrishnan and Havaldar Gajendra Singh Bisht paid the ultimate sacrifice and were martyred in the process.

The road from Pathankot

Security Forces personnel stand guard near AFS Pathankot 

The Pakistani deep state’s complicity in the Pathankot attack established, ‘yo-yo diplomacy’ will yield no tangible outcomes for India. The government must focus on building military capacity along the border and wait it out before returning to a step-by-step normalisation process.

Weeks after a fidayeen attack on the Pathankot airbase, several key questions are yet to be answered. Among these are: if indeed there was good intelligence, why was the airbase so poorly guarded, and the intelligence not acted upon? How does one explain the gaping holes in the security architecture of a military installation situated so close to the border? Why was there no unified command and control once the attack commenced?

Also, when the Indian and Pakistani National Security Advisers (NSAs) met in Bangkok, did they, or did they not, envisage the possibility of a terror attack to try and disrupt the Foreign Secretary-level talks? If they did, what were the contingency plans in place? The biggest question of all, however, is over what Pathankot presages. Is there a message that the Pakistani deep state is sending to the Indian interlocutors? Has the Indian side missed this, or are they still deciphering it?

Pattern too familiar

The pattern — first, the announcement of holding talks; next, the collapse of the initiative; and third, renewal of the initiative after an interregnum — has been all too frequent not to realise that there is more to it than mere caprice. Nawaz Sharif’s presence at Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s swearing-in ceremony in May 2014 and subsequent developments were expected to break this cycle. Hopes were dashed when the Foreign Secretary-level talks were called off in August.

Between November 2014, when the two Prime Ministers shook hands at the closing ceremony of the SAARC summit in Kathmandu, and their meeting on the sidelines of the Climate Change Conference in Paris a year later in November 2015, there were two ‘false starts’. The latest round commenced with a meeting of the two NSAs in Bangkok. The visit of External Affairs Minister, Sushma Swaraj, to Islamabad followed. The next step was Mr. Modi “dropping in” in Lahore to wish Mr. Sharif on his birthday — all in the same month. Prospects seemed bright, till the Pathankot incident occurred.

Consequently, there is a need to introspect as to whether New Delhi is misreading the taxonomy of inherent complexities and differences in the difficult Pakistan-India equation. For instance, India tends to work towards the longer-term goal of restoring the strategic unity of the subcontinent, enlarge its strategic space, and enhance its security options. On the other hand, Pakistan’s identity is often defined by its opposition to and rejection of India. It has shorter-term goals and sees talks and negotiations as a mere stratagem.

Since taking over, Mr. Modi has put a high premium on ‘neighbourhood diplomacy’. If he is unable to establish better relations with Pakistan, it would leave his neighbourhood policy in a shambles and be a serious setback to India’s efforts to fashion the region in a manner best suited to it. Clearly, this is one of Pakistan’s objectives.

A Pakistan dominated by its military establishment is unlikely to launch an attack on an Indian airbase without a carefully contrived plan. Preparations for the attack — which carries the imprimatur of the Pakistani military and the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) — would have commenced several weeks prior to the attack, and not after Mr. Modi’s visit to Lahore. It was no mere handiwork of non-state actors. The use of Jaish-e-Mohammad elements was deliberate, as the Lashkar-e-Taiba is now under the lens of international agencies. It is again no coincidence that at about the same time, a terror attack was launched on the Indian consulate in Mazar-i-Sharif (Afghanistan), which the Afghan government attributes to the Pakistani military. Unlike on previous occasions, Pakistan has not taken recourse to plausible deniability, which strengthens the belief of a message being conveyed through the medium of an attack on an Indian airbase.

This attack on a military base has not merely highlighted India’s vulnerability to such attacks, but also raised certain fundamental issues for the leadership of the two countries. In the case of Pakistan, it raises the question as to whether Mr. Sharif has control over Pakistan’s India policy or not. Also, it seeks to convey that he is in no position to determine foreign policy options. Intrinsic to this is whether in the future a Nawaz Sharif can be relied upon to deliver. Also, there are huge question marks regarding his political calculus.

Pakistan’s policy towards India has always been a bundle of inconsistent and irrational policies. This is further reinforced by the image of Pakistan as a dysfunctional state. The question, hence, is whether it is wise in the circumstances to embark upon major policy initiatives and risk further embarrassment in the future.

This question is particularly important for Mr. Modi. His trademark has been personal diplomacy, often executed with energy and panache. It has produced good results, except perhaps in India’s neighbourhood. Vis-à-vis Pakistan, the brand of ‘yo-yo diplomacy’ has given an impression that the Prime Minister’s Pakistan policy lacks both depth and vision. Care has to be taken, hence, not to arouse undue expectations. Moreover, while dealing with Pakistan, processes are often as important as the outcomes. Every Indian Prime Minister must also realise that he is especially vulnerable, since terror attacks from Pakistan will take place at regular intervals.

The Prime Minister is already skating on thin ice. He embarked on his December ‘peace offensive’ without any overture from Pakistan for resuming talks. Another attack would not merely embarrass the government and the nation, but will call for a fitting reply — more so in view of Mr. Modi’s image as a ‘Maximum Leader’.

Need for a new doctrine

What is therefore most needed today is new thinking, rather than a mere change in style. Conventional wisdom stipulates that conflicting nations hold talks to settle their differences. This has been the dictum that has driven leaders of India and Pakistan till now. It may be worthwhile to take a hard look at the utility of this course of action — given the India-Pakistan record of talks — and desist from embarking upon talks merely for the sake of it, or due to external pressure. It would not be for the first time that such a policy has been adopted, for there have been many periods in the past when the situation has oscillated between extremes of comprehensive engagement and almost complete disengagement. An extended period of disengagement at this point might prove worthwhile.

New thinking should begin by reviewing and revising the current code of conduct for relations with Pakistan. This must involve adoption of a ‘minimalist’ approach, including limiting trade relations and restricting movement of people between the two countries. More importantly, India must evolve a new ‘Counter Force Doctrine’. Operation Parakram (2001-02) exposed the inherent weakness of a large standing army as a means to counter a terror attack, including ones as serious as an attack on the Indian Parliament. Alongside a ‘Counter Force Doctrine’, the Army must convert many of its static formations on the border into more mobile and leaner units. These should be capable of sudden and swift retaliation in the event of an attack, especially when directed against military installations, key facilities and critical infrastructure.

Pakistan often accuses India of possessing a “Cold Start” doctrine, even though India denies the existence of any such doctrine. With a ‘Counter Force Doctrine’ and leaner and meaner units, India would signal that it is ready to swiftly retaliate. It would send the right message to the Pakistani deep state that they cannot exploit our democratic freedoms without facing retaliation. Once the situation improves, India could consider resorting to a step-by-step normalisation process, beginning with the resumption of Track II and Track 1 1/2 dialogues, followed by a resumption of backchannel negotiations, before proceeding to full-scale talks.

Tejas scripts history in Bahrain with a stunning demo

LCA Tejas at Bahrain Air Show

India's Light Combat Aircraft (LCA) Tejas on Thursday scripted history by becoming the first Made in India fighter jet to fly at an international event, outside the country.

At the 4th edition of Bahrain International Air Show (BIAS-2016) that began today at Sakhir air base, a Limited Series Production (LSP-4) variant of Tejas flew in front of a packed international gathering at around 6.30 pm (IST). The flight was piloted by Commodore Jaideep Maolonkar, Chief Test Pilot at National Flight Test Centre (NFTC). 

Back in Bengaluru, there was a jubilant mood at Aeronautical Development Agency (ADA).

"Everyone is thrilled and latching on to all possible information that is being relayed from Bahrain. It is a day when we remembered all our forefathers who toiled hard for the project. Dr Kalam, Dr Kota and many more who spearheaded this project were remembered," says an official at ADA.
A large team of ground support crew from ADA, HAL and RCMA are at the Sakhir air base top support the maiden outing of Tejas abroad.

"These are the unsung heroes who help Tejas missions during TRS (Turn Round Service). It's a happy outfit there," says the official.

The IAF's Sarang Helicopter Display Team, flying the Dhruvs, enthralled the gathering ahead of the Tejas sky stunners. The Sarang Air Display team is led by Group Captain AS Abhayankar.

Initial reports say that Tejas demonstration lasted for nine minutes.

Full-scale production of Tejas to begin by next year: Manohar Parrikar

LCA Tejas

Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar today said full-scale production of the indigenous Light Combat Aircraft Tejas will begin by next year and that other countries have shown interest in the plane.

"As per my primary report, it is appreciated by other countries who are interested. By next year, we are starting full-scale production," he told reporters at the NCC Republic Day camp.

Tejas, which had been in the making for over three decades, is taking part in the ongoing Bahrain International Airshow as the country hopes to explore potential export opportunities.

It is a single-engine, light-weight, highly agile, multi-role supersonic fighter plane. Tejas is a 4.5 generation aircraft with supersonic capability at all altitudes.

The Indian Air Force plans to acquire 120 Tejas aircraft, with 100 of them having some major modifications. It wants better radar, new electronic warfare suit, refueling capacity and improved missiles.

The training of IAF pilots on LCA has already commenced. Though DRDO has developed a naval version of Tejas, the navy is seeking a more powerful engine, besides other changes.

As per the production plan, six aircraft will be made this year (2015-16) and Hindustan Aeronautics Limited will subsequently scale it up to eight and 16 aircraft per year.

It is estimated that 20 aircraft will be built by 2017-2018, to make the first squadron of the aircraft.
The LCA programme was initiated in 1983 to replace the ageing MiG-21s planes in IAF's combat fleet but has missed several deadlines due to various reasons.

As India aims to market Tejas, it will face competition from Pakistan's JF 17, built in collaboration with China.

The aircraft has already been placed in the open market and it was speculated that one of the Asian countries had evinced interest in the aircraft.

However, Sri Lanka had recently denied reports that it had evinced interest in the Pakistani plane.